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We think everyone we have so far encountered and who
supports the consciousness figure means exactly what we accuse
them of: there is always present in their theoretical models the
fundamentals of force and of hierarchy. even when they abase
themselves before the proletariat muttering, "we must learn from
the struggle itself." The pedagogic relation of revolutionary to
worker is downwardly directed. Even among, or especially among,
those who appreciate the centrality of the workers to the revolution
it is given that the workers' struggle must be politicized.

And then among the anarchists there is outright contempt for the
working class, 'the willing slaves' who comply with their bosses
and do not rebel, of these passive and useless automatons, the
pro-revolutionary group substitutes itself and its direct action; the
struggle becomes that of active groups against the state and so,
even in the heart of libertarianism, the concept of a vanguard and
substituted elite takes hold. because they have not addressed the
issue of what consciousness is, anti-capitalist groups model
themselves on and crudely reproduce previous authoritarian forms
based upon a conceptualization of passive masses and active
elites.

One of our critics wrote: "We must insist on 'opening up specific
struggles', on calling for their extension, generalization, on fighting
corporatism which wants to enclose workers in their little corner
with their specific demands...". These sentiments form the dreary
end of almost every single leaflet that emerges from the
communist camp. But the deliberate expansions and connections of
struggle always follow the line set by those doing the expanding
and connecting, the line deployed by these revolutionaries are not
purely objective but are developed subjectively and therefore carry
their own cultural/political baggage (you still meet anarchists who
go on about the struggles of the Irish and Palestinian 'peoples'
despite anarchism's explicit refutation of national liberation
struggles); in other words it is easy to vaguely call for the
expansion of struggles but that expansion has to have a specific
content and it is this political content which we reject - if this were
not a problem then there would not be thousands of tiny
revolutionary groups in the world, there would only be only be one all
inclusive revolutionary party; the fact that we all disagree with each